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E-book Dancing Youth : Hip Hop and Gender in Late Socialist Vietnam
Hip hop is from the United States. So, in Vietnam they copy from gangsterrap videos, right?” “Hip hop is violent and misogynistic. So, why should it bea good thing for young Vietnamese people to engage with hip hop?” These aresome of the many concerned questions that I am often confronted with whentellingpeopleaboutmyresearchonyouthandhiphopinVietnam.Whatthesequestions imply, among many other things, is what Jenny Mbaye (2014: 396)refers to as an overt focus on hip hop’s origin, which results in a very specific“geohistorical understanding of hip hop.” According to such thinking, all ap-pearances of hip hop outside the setting of its particular geohistorical originare considered to be mere appropriations, a mimicry of what is estimatedas an original culture. In order to overcome such single referentiality, Mbaye(2014: 396) suggests that we think of hip hop as multi-polar and multi-refer-ential. Meanwhile, such multi-referentiality has been acknowledged by manyscholars, who conceptualize hip hop as an idiom or cultural form that trav-els transnationally, is locally adopted and integrated into local practices andmaterials,thereby creating new identities (Alim 2009; Androutsopoulos 2003;Pennycook 2007; Schulz 2012). Generally, the idea that boundaries betweennations, cultures, and other forms of social organization are becoming moreand more fluid, and that “flows” should be given much more analytical atten-tion, are claims that have surfaced among scholars interested in culture, andparticularly popular culture (Appadurai 1996; Condry 2001; Gupta and Fergu-son 1992). Yet, latent in many accounts of cultural flows, is a division betweencentre and periphery within globalized cultural networks. Since the UnitedStates is considered the cultural and commercial centre of hip hop, other lo-calized hip hop markets, such as in Vietnam, remain at the periphery of theinternational music and dance market, struggling for international recogni-tion. Hip hop is comprised of four elements, including MCing, DJing, graffitiwriting, and break(danc)ing,1and is often discussed in connection with so-cial inequalities. Halifu Osumare (2001: 173) identifies hip hop as a “globalsignifier for many forms of marginalizations,” while Mbaye (2014: 398) viewship hop as emerging from a “southern positioning,” situated at “the marginsof an assumed sociality and urbanity.” This book takes the trope of southernpositioning as a starting point for investigating how hip hop practices, andembodied dance practices in particular, have the potential to cross, subvert,and otherwise permeate seemingly fixed geographical, linguistic, bodily, andgender boundaries.The analysis is situated at a particular moment in history,30 years after Vietnam’s integration into the global economy and the rise ofits private sector economy during the so-called Doi Moi period. In academicliterature, Vietnam’s current political economy is referred to as “late socialist”or“postsocialist”to indicate its transitional form.Both terms are used to cap-ture tensions between the persistence of a one-party-rule authoritarian stateon the one hand, and the introduction of a free market economy on the other(Harms 2011; Hue Tam Ho Tai 2001). Li Zhang (2012: 661) uses the term post-socialism to “refer toconditionsof transformation and articulation of socialistand nonsocialist practices and logics regardless of the official labeling of thestate.” Both China and Vietnam have embraced market reform, commodifi-cation, and consumerism, while officially insisting on socialist ideology andone-party rule. By delving into dancers’ everyday lives, this book aims to pro-vide insights into“postsocialist assemblages from the margin”(Li Zhang 2012:662)
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