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E-book Paths to the Emerging State in Asia and Africa
This volume addresses the issue of how a country, which was incorporated intothe world economy as a periphery, could create a path of economic developmentand industrialization as the ‘emerging state’ in Asia and Africa. We offer historicaland contemporary case studies of development paths, as well as the internationalbackground under which a transition to the emerging state was successfully made,delayed or failed.In this chapter I describe how diverse paths of economic development emergedin various regions of the world, and show that interactions of such ‘multiple paths’,rather than the diffusion of modern technology and institutions from Western Europeto the rest of the world, determined the timing and pace of global industrializationover the last two centuries. The industrial revolution in England, which began in thelate eighteenth century, was first transmitted to Continental Europe, the United Statesand Japan in the ‘long’ nineteenth century. During the period of interwar instabilityand after World War II, a variety of state-led industrialization programs, includingsocialist models, were implemented, which had varying degrees of success. Thediffusion of industrialization has been often interpreted along the Gerschenkroneanframework of ‘advantage of backwardness’ and late development (Gerschenkron1962; Austin2013, 288–90). In a broad sense, any state engaged in ‘catching-up’industrialization qualifies the emerging state. Thus the first type of the emerging stateexploits its respective factor endowment advantages in relation to the more advancedcountries. If an Asian country such as Japan is labour abundant and capital scarce,she might focus on the development of labour-intensive industries, in addition tofostering capital-intensive ones for political and military reasons. Another, somewhat related line of development was the state-led, import-substitution industrialization strategy, pursued in India and China among others,which aimed at political and economic independence at the cost of seeking gainsfrom international trade and technological transfer from advanced countries, espe-cially the United States. The idea of ‘import-substitution’ was widely shared amongthe leaders of newly independent states, crossing over the political division betweennon-allied and socialist countries, which reflected their experiences as a ‘periphery’and the impact of ‘forced’ free trade. In general, this form of ‘third world industrial-ization’ and ‘state-led development’ did not successfully close the gap between the‘North’ and the ‘South’ in terms of per capita GDP or living standards. Nor was itoften associated with democracy. But in all cases the state played a powerful rolein determining the type of industrialization with varied implications for economicgrowth and living standards. Industrialization of China in the Mao period, in spite ofits stormy politics, left a particularly lasting impression for the study of the role ofthe state in economic development, not least because it contributed to the improve-ment of health and education of a very large number of people. Thus the secondtype of the emerging state as a driver of industrialization came out of the ideologyof politico-economic independence and import-substitution, rather than as a resultof the exploitation of factor endowment advantages.
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