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E-book Microhistories of Technology : Making the World
Standard definitions of the word technology pose a challenge for anyone interested in developing a global history of technology.22 Today, “technol-ogy” is strongly associated with smartphones, computers, and other digi-tal, high-tech solutions. In contrast to this connotation, this book embraces every form of technology, from the pejoratively named “low-tech” solu-tions to the often exalted “high-tech” ones. That means the metal mortar-and-pestle used by the Dayak people to crush rock fragments assumes the same status as the steam-driven grinding machine installed on Gold Mountain by the Dutch company Mijnbouw Maatschappij Kahajan. Indeed, we are obliged by history to use the word technology for any artifact or system and the knowledge and skill employed to use it.Burong soho was one of the many technologies employed by gold work-ers in Kalimantan. According to geologist Theodor Posewitz, burong sohowas a “special kind of bird” which was used as a kind of “dowsing instru-ment” in the search for gold deposits.23 When the gold seekers approach an area rich in gold, the bird “begins to sing.” Another technology employed was the “witchcraft basket”—as missionary Hugo Haffner somewhat contemptuously called it—which was placed at the entrance of a newly opened pit to “ask the spirits for their blessings.”24The technologies which Posewitz and Haffner called “a special kind of bird” and “witchcraft basket” were part of the Dayak goldworkers’ tool-kit, along with bamboo ladders and clay pots. Miners used spades to dig mines, crowbars to break rock into smaller pieces, and stone hammers and anvils to pulverize those pieces.25 The locals had longstanding experience in using dulang-dulang (wooden pans) for gold-panning. According to rumors of the time, some parts of Borneo were so rich in gold that people could use sticks soaked in resin to retrieve gold nuggets from the ground.26By contrast, the Chinese miners who in the eighteenth century traveled to Borneo in large numbers created a technical system of excavation sites, dams, waterwheels, and washing channels to exploit deposits close to the surface.27 In turn, gold-seekers from Europe brought petroleum lamps, steam engines, and locomotives. When Helbig visited Gunung Mas, sev-eral—though not all—of these technologies coexisted. Together, these tools and practices comprised Borneo’s technological landscape of gold extraction.I argue that the objects which Europeans labeled “a special kind of bird” and “witchcraft basket” were integral parts of Dayak material cul-ture. Importantly, this culture was dynamic, and, progressively, miners integrated German mallets, chisels, and storm lanterns, for example. Despite their acceptance of these new implements, the Dayak people retained their belief in what Helbig called the traditional “legend” of how the gold had come to Borneo in the first place. The presence of these coexisting technologies and beliefs render it impossible to draw a clear line between the material and immaterial aspects of Dayak culture.
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