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E-book Land Tenure Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa : Interventions in Benin, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Zimbabwe
More than 965 million women and men in Africa cannot afford a healthy diet (FAO et al. 2020). Many governments and practitioners in the land sector expect that strengthening smallholder productivity will provide sufficient food and en-able rural Africans to move out of poverty (Gassner et al. 2019; Lawry et al. 2017). Recent literature examining the link between land tenure security (LTS) and social and economic outcomes suggests that tenure insecurity can inhibit smallholders in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) from making land conservation in-vestments such as planting trees, installing soil conservation structures, letting land lie fallow, or other measures that could enhance agricultural productivity, decrease poverty, and improve food security (Higgins et al. 2018; Lawry et al. 2017). LTS interventions in SSA have aimed to create conditions conducive to investment in the farm enterprise, with the twin goals of enhancing agricultural productivity and farm-based incomes (Singirankabo and Ersten 2020; Tseng et al. 2020), as well as reducing food insecurity (Maxwell and Wiebe 1999).Land tenure security interventions in SSA fall into two major types (Holden and Ghebru 2016): reforms that seek to strengthen existing tenure rights through the provision of state-recognized land certificates, and those that redistribute land, thereby providing landless or land poor members of society with access to an essential means of agricultural production. Begin-ning in the 1990s and early 2000s, programs aimed at providing smallholders with low-cost certificates for land held under customary tenure were intro-duced in many African countries (Boone 2019). In politically stable countries, such as Benin and Ghana, an underlying assumption of such programs is that land held under customary tenure without state-sanctioned documentation is insecure (Boone 2019). In countries that have experienced severe politi-cal turmoil with associated widespread displacement, such as Ethiopia and Rwanda, reducing land conflicts by providing documentation of land rights was the primary impetus for tenure reforms. A key underlying assumption of land certification programs is that recognition of customary rights through parcel boundary mapping, local rights validation, and locally based rights registration will provide landholders greater tenure security (Boone 2019). In Southern Africa, agricultural reform has focused on redistribution of land, More than 965 million women and men in Africa cannot afford a healthy diet (FAO et al. 2020). Many governments and practitioners in the land sector expect that strengthening smallholder productivity will provide sufficient food and en-able rural Africans to move out of poverty (Gassner et al. 2019; Lawry et al. 2017). Recent literature examining the link between land tenure security (LTS) and social and economic outcomes suggests that tenure insecurity can inhibit smallholders in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) from making land conservation in-vestments such as planting trees, installing soil conservation structures, letting land lie fallow, or other measures that could enhance agricultural productivity, decrease poverty, and improve food security (Higgins et al. 2018; Lawry et al. 2017). LTS interventions in SSA have aimed to create conditions conducive to investment in the farm enterprise, with the twin goals of enhancing agricultural productivity and farm-based incomes (Singirankabo and Ersten 2020; Tseng et al. 2020), as well as reducing food insecurity (Maxwell and Wiebe 1999).Land tenure security interventions in SSA fall into two major types (Holden and Ghebru 2016): reforms that seek to strengthen existing tenure rights through the provision of state-recognized land certificates, and those that redistribute land, thereby providing landless or land poor members of society with access to an essential means of agricultural production. Begin-ning in the 1990s and early 2000s, programs aimed at providing smallholders with low-cost certificates for land held under customary tenure were intro-duced in many African countries (Boone 2019). In politically stable countries, such as Benin and Ghana, an underlying assumption of such programs is that land held under customary tenure without state-sanctioned documentation is insecure (Boone 2019). In countries that have experienced severe politi-cal turmoil with associated widespread displacement, such as Ethiopia and Rwanda, reducing land conflicts by providing documentation of land rights was the primary impetus for tenure reforms. A key underlying assumption of land certification programs is that recognition of customary rights through parcel boundary mapping, local rights validation, and locally based rights registration will provide landholders greater tenure security (Boone 2019). In Southern Africa, agricultural reform has focused on redistribution of land, More than 965 million women and men in Africa cannot afford a healthy diet (FAO et al. 2020). Many governments and practitioners in the land sector expect that strengthening smallholder productivity will provide sufficient food and en-able rural Africans to move out of poverty (Gassner et al. 2019; Lawry et al. 2017). Recent literature examining the link between land tenure security (LTS) and social and economic outcomes suggests that tenure insecurity can inhibit smallholders in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) from making land conservation in-vestments such as planting trees, installing soil conservation structures, letting land lie fallow, or other measures that could enhance agricultural productivity, decrease poverty, and improve food security (Higgins et al. 2018; Lawry et al. 2017). LTS interventions in SSA have aimed to create conditions conducive to investment in the farm enterprise, with the twin goals of enhancing agricultural productivity and farm-based incomes (Singirankabo and Ersten 2020; Tseng et al. 2020), as well as reducing food insecurity (Maxwell and Wiebe 1999).Land tenure security interventions in SSA fall into two major types (Holden and Ghebru 2016): reforms that seek to strengthen existing tenure rights through the provision of state-recognized land certificates, and those that redistribute land, thereby providing landless or land poor members of society with access to an essential means of agricultural production. Begin-ning in the 1990s and early 2000s, programs aimed at providing smallholders with low-cost certificates for land held under customary tenure were intro-duced in many African countries (Boone 2019). In politically stable countries, such as Benin and Ghana, an underlying assumption of such programs is that land held under customary tenure without state-sanctioned documentation is insecure (Boone 2019). In countries that have experienced severe politi-cal turmoil with associated widespread displacement, such as Ethiopia and Rwanda, reducing land conflicts by providing documentation of land rights was the primary impetus for tenure reforms. A key underlying assumption of land certification programs is that recognition of customary rights through parcel boundary mapping, local rights validation, and locally based rights registration will provide landholders greater tenure security (Boone 2019). In Southern Africa, agricultural reform has focused on redistribution of land, expropriated by white colonists, to African smallholders who were left land-less or with access only to small holdings on marginalized land (Byamugisha 2014). Both customary rights registration and land redistribution (LRD) pro-grams seek to improve the lives of rural inhabitants, either through enhancing tenure security for lands to which they already have access or providing them with secure access to more and better land.Aside from pointing to the presumed positive impacts of LTS on agricul-tural productivity, proponents of land tenure reforms argue that tenure institu-tions can serve important equity needs (Calo 2020; Place 2009). In the context of high levels of poverty and uncertain employment prospects, rural African household members often perceive their customary landholdings, which are secured as a social right, as among their most important economic and social assets (Lawry et al. 2017). There is some evidence of positive outcomes of LTS interventions on social inclusion (Meinzen-Dick et al. 2019), particu-larly for women, who often own and control less and poorer quality land than men in many countries (Meinzen-Dick et al. 2019). However, the impacts of land certification and LRD interventions on women are variable; often land reforms don’t consider discriminatory norms or seek to benefit women in an intentional way. In a cross-country comparison of land rights in SSA, Slavchevska et al. (2021) found that gender gaps were associated with land rights indicators. The persistence of gender gaps in the ownership and control of land in SSA suggests that it is important to understand whether tenure inter-ventions are socially inclusive and contribute to filling such gaps.
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