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E-book The Social Drama of Daily Work : A Manual for Historians
A second reason to study work is that it is inherently social: it necessarily involves relations between people that are arguably more fundamental than their ideological relationships. Since work must go on, while ideology may be ignored or even f louted, it is a good place to start trying to understand society. Applebaum argued that the study of work is even more important for studying societies less governed by the market, for work was embedded in their kinship structures, religion, taboos, and political leadership.3Third, work often occurred in public and took the form of observable action. Even if the elite writers of the past ignored them, the details of work were not usually taboo, so information about it is less likely to be distorted than, say, the details of sexual relations. And this information may appear not only in standard textual sources, but in pictures, jokes, songs, calendars, and any other trace of the place-time. Fourth, work is at the heart of the economy: to understand the economy we must understand production as it really occurred. Fifth, as state and society change, work changes, so studying work illuminates historical change and continuity, again at a nitty-gritty level.A sixth reason to look at work is to strive for a bottom-up history, f iltering out the elite bias.4 The history of work offers a way to look away from political and economic domination for a while, see what emerges, and then look back at domination again with better questions.5 Seventh, just as stories reach students and other readers by humanizing the past, so readers may be drawn into an embodied history that connects the details of daily work to larger social patterns. Once the historian has decided to study work, the Chicago-school sociology of occupations, developed from the late 1930s onward primarily by Everett C. Hughes and his colleagues and students, offers a well-developed set of concepts and questions that we can adopt and adapt as observational tools.7The sociology of occupations provides a comprehensive set of concepts and questions that are intrinsicallyf lexible. The “sociological imagination” requires a kind of free association “guided but not hampered by a frame of reference.” Together, these characteristics make the Hughes framework suitable for historians to borrow; and as literary scholar Michael Fuller wrote recently, “Poaching [from other disciplines] ... is one of the ways in which disciplines are reinvigorated.”8 This manual illustrates how historians can use the framework and adapt it as we go – for, naturally, not every concept developed in twentieth-century North America will apply in every other place-time. Historians may add nuance and new generalizable insights to the framework that the occupational sociologists created.
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